South Korea’s Desperate Push to Reverse the World’s Lowest Birthrate

Asia Daily
15 Min Read

A Glimmer of Hope in a Demographic Abyss

After years of holding the unwanted title of lowest fertility rate on Earth, South Korea has recorded a modest but closely watched increase. The total fertility rate, which measures the average number of children a woman is expected to bear in her lifetime, climbed from a record low of 0.72 in 2023 to 0.75 in 2024 and reached approximately 0.80 by early 2026. Monthly births have risen for 17 consecutive months, with each month showing more births than the same period a year earlier. In 2025, the nation recorded 254,500 births, representing the largest annual increase in 15 years and a 6.8 percent jump from the previous year.

This slight rebound comes after Seoul invested more than 360 trillion won, roughly equivalent to 360 billion Canadian dollars or 250 billion US dollars, over the past two decades to convince citizens to have more children. The uptick is now drawing international attention from countries facing similar declines, including Canada, Italy, Spain, and the United States. Researchers in Kingston, Ontario, are among those studying whether South Korea has stumbled upon a viable model or if the improvement is merely a statistical blip.

Yet beneath the surface, a fierce debate rages about whether government intervention is truly driving change, or if temporary demographic and social factors are responsible for what could prove to be a fleeting reprieve. For context, a society generally requires a fertility rate of 2.1 children per woman simply to keep its population stable without relying on immigration. At the current trajectory, the nation is still nowhere near that figure, and the gap between births and deaths remains stark. In 2025, deaths exceeded births by 108,900 people, meaning the overall population continued to shrink despite the encouraging headlines.

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The Scale of the Crisis

To understand why even a marginal increase feels like a victory, one must grasp the depth of the crisis. The rate had been in freefall for years, bottoming out at 0.721 in 2023. At that level, demographers project the national population could shrink by roughly one third by the early 2070s, with half of all citizens aged 65 or older. The working age population, defined as those between 15 and 64, is expected to contract by more than 20 million people, straining every corner of the economy and threatening the social safety net.

The economic consequences are stark. The Bank of Korea has warned that without major adaptation, including technological innovation and structural reform, the country could face a permanent recession by the 2040s. A separate study by the Korea Development Institute released in May 2025 projected that demographic shifts will keep dragging on potential growth, which could fall to near zero by the 2040s. Under a neutral scenario, the economy could contract by 2047, or as early as 2041 under pessimistic assumptions. The same research suggested that if technological innovation fails to offset the decline, Korea will see a sustained economic slowdown that affects living standards across all income levels.

Defense planners are also alarmed, as the pool of eligible military recruits shrinks while tensions with North Korea remain unresolved. Active troop numbers have fallen 20 percent to about 450,000, down from 690,000 in 2019. In 2024, the government passed the first pension reform in 18 years, pushing back the projected depletion of the state pension fund to 2071. Still, younger generations now face a future of higher premiums and lower benefits, creating tension between generations over who will bear the costs of an aging society. The military pension and civil servants pension have already been depleted, adding urgency to the debate.

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From Matchmaking to Housing Subsidies

In response, authorities have deployed an arsenal of creative and expensive measures. In the Dalseo district of Daegu, local mayor Lee Tae-Hoon launched a matchmaking campaign in 2016 that has successfully paired couples who went on to marry and consider starting families. The district built a park intended for dates and commissioned mascots to promote romance. Lee has described population decline as a crisis comparable to climate change, arguing that young people must be taught the importance of having children to avoid a dim future. A couple who met through the program said they would not have found each other without the local government event, and they are now married and considering children. It is exactly the kind of outcome that local officials hoped for when they began encouraging marriage and childbirth.

Elsewhere, local governments offer housing benefits designed to remove financial barriers. In Incheon, newlyweds and new parents can rent apartments for about one dollar per day. The national government supplements this with cash grants of roughly two thousand dollars for first time parents, rising to three thousand dollars for subsequent children, plus monthly allowances of approximately one hundred dollars. Since last year, newlyweds who register their marriage in Seoul receive an additional one million won. The capital has also launched a 6.7 trillion won Birth Support Project, offering welfare housing for newlyweds and expanded daycare capacity. Parents in Seoul also receive two million won upon the birth of a child, and three million won for subsequent births.

Medical support has expanded dramatically. In Seoul, women can attempt in vitro fertilization up to 25 times per successful birth, with most costs covered by the state. This stands in sharp contrast to Canada, where only some provinces provide partial coverage and most limit patients to one fully funded cycle per lifetime. In 2023, officials in Seoul even floated an idea to exempt men from mandatory military service if they had three or more children before age 30, though the proposal generated major controversy and was never implemented. The sheer variety of programs reflects a government willing to experiment with almost any idea that might reverse the demographic slide.

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Corporate Korea Enters the Nursery

The private sector has joined the campaign with extraordinary generosity. Video game developer Krafton, headquartered in Seoul, now offers employees approximately one hundred thousand dollars per child. About sixty thousand dollars arrives as a lump sum, with the remaining forty thousand distributed throughout the early years of the child. The company also provides free company daycare operating from 8:30 in the morning until 9:30 at night, up to two years of parental leave, and an automated hiring process to backfill positions so new parents do not feel pressured to return early. The goal is to eliminate guilt and ensure that careers do not stall because of family decisions.

Jaekeun Choi, who leads general operations at Krafton, framed the initiative as a matter of corporate survival.

If the birthrate continues to plunge the way it has for years, ultimately all of South Korean society, including our business, will find it hard to survive.

The company reports that more employees have had children since the program began and is now collaborating with Seoul National University to study whether the benefits are directly responsible. Other corporations have followed suit, with some offering up to 100 million won, or roughly seventy five thousand dollars, per birth. The cultural shift is palpable across the technology and finance sectors, where firms compete to offer the most attractive family packages.

Workplace attitudes have transformed, according to expecting mothers in the capital. Where older male managers once lacked understanding about parental leave, the atmosphere has shifted to one where taking leave is expected rather than criticized. By law, mothers can take up to 90 days of leave for a single baby with no complications, and fathers are afforded 20 days, though mothers still take the vast majority of leave. A 30 year old expecting mother identified only by her surname Kim said that in the past, managers had a low level of understanding about parental leave, but now the burden has eased because the atmosphere supports time off for new parents.

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Is the Rebound Real or a Mirage?

Despite the flood of incentives, experts urge caution. Park Hyun-jung, director of the population trends division at the Ministry of Data and Statistics, acknowledged that she cannot fully analyze the correlation between government policy and the recent birthrate increase. Instead, much of the rebound appears driven by temporary demographic and social currents that could dissipate within a few years.

A significant factor is the echo boomer generation. Between 1991 and 1995, roughly 3.6 million children were born during a brief uptick that followed the end of official family planning policies. That cohort is now in its early thirties, the prime age for marriage and childbearing. The number of women in this age bracket rose by 9 percent between 2020 and 2025. Demographers warn this tailwind will fade after 2027 as smaller post 1996 generations move into their thirties. Once that demographic bulge passes, the number of potential mothers will shrink again unless younger cohorts decide to have more children than their predecessors.

Another element is the unwinding of pandemic delays. Many couples postponed marriage during the COVID 19 years, and since childbirth outside of marriage remains rare in South Korea, delayed marriage means delayed births. Marriage rates have now grown for 20 consecutive months, and births within two years of marriage have increased by more than 10 percent after more than a decade of decline. Professor Sojung Lim of the State University of New York at Buffalo noted that while some rebound is visible, fertility levels have not recovered to figures seen before the pandemic. She warned that once the marriage rush passes and the echo boomer cohort ages, the fertility rate could resume its decline.

Lim also pointed out that South Korea still has the lowest fertility rate among advanced economies, and the underlying desired family size remains below the replacement level. Former President Yoon Suk Yeol once called the decline in births a national emergency. While the current figures offer relief, they do not yet signal a fundamental turnaround. Government survey data showed that the share of respondents intending to have children after marriage rose 3.1 percent between 2022 and 2024, a positive sign but still insufficient to alter the long term trajectory.

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The Structural Walls That Policies Cannot Easily Breach

Even the most generous financial incentives may founder against deeply rooted structural problems. South Korea has been ranked the most expensive country in the world in which to raise a child, with average costs estimated at $275,000 from birth to age 18. The culprit is not merely housing or food, but an education arms race. Nearly 80 percent of children attend private cram schools known as hagwons, driven by relentless competition for university placement. Parents feel they cannot rely on the public system alone, forcing families to pour enormous sums into tutoring from a young age. The nation was ranked the most expensive place to raise kids by the Beijing based YuWa Population Research Institute in 2024.

Workplace culture presents another obstacle. South Koreans work an average of 1,865 hours per year, among the highest in the developed world. Mothers face severe career penalties. Data shows that by the time a child turns ten, the earnings of mothers have fallen by an average of 66 percent. The nation has the largest gender employment gap in the OECD, with employment among mothers dropping 49 percent relative to fathers over a decade. Women also encounter what experts call anticipatory discrimination, where employers hesitate to hire or promote women of childbearing age. The result is that many women withdraw from the labor market or accept part time or unstable jobs around the time when they have kids.

Social attitudes add further pressure. One expecting mother, 31 years old and anticipating her first child in March, felt compelled to quit her job because of inadequate workplace support. She explained that when someone becomes pregnant, they often end up resigning. Another mother expecting her third child said that government grants do not match the reality of raising children. She noted that expenses grow greater than subsidies, and the financial burden lasts until children reach adulthood. A third expecting mother credited government initiatives for her decision to have another child, citing support for moving to a different house, but she added that many programs do not match her current economic situation.

Meanwhile, businesses that bar children, sometimes called no kids zones, have proliferated in restaurants and cafes. Public attitudes can be harsh, and mothers report receiving negative looks when babies cry in public, leaving them isolated. Lim also questioned whether government actions can overcome strict traditional mindsets about family formation, noting that single women cannot receive IVF treatment in South Korea. She suggested that unless these deeper causes are addressed, the current upswing will be short term. For many women, the fundamental issue is not a lack of cash but a lack of time, support, and societal respect for motherhood.

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Global Parallels and Hard Lessons

South Korea is not alone in this experiment, and international comparisons offer sobering context. Hungary spent roughly 5 percent of GDP on policies encouraging births under former Prime Minister Viktor Orban, offering interest free loans, mortgage subsidies, and tax breaks to married couples who promised to have children. The fertility rate rose from 1.25 in 2010 to 1.59 by 2020, but then fell back to 1.31 by 2025. Critics argue the policies merely prompted couples to have children they already planned for, only slightly earlier, while failing to address childcare shortages, healthcare quality, or rigid gender roles. Some scholars note that the Czech Republic saw a similar boost and decline without such expansive programs, suggesting wider regional trends were at play.

Sweden offers a contrasting model. In the 2000s, shared parental leave, affordable childcare, and universal preschool helped push the fertility rate from 1.5 to 2.0. The policies were not explicitly designed to raise birthrates but instead aimed at balance between work and family. Scholars initially believed Sweden had resolved the tension between female workforce participation and family size, though rates dipped again in the 2010s. Demographers argue these policies still insulated Nordic nations from the extreme declines seen in East Asia. Tomas Sobotka of the Vienna Institute of Demography argues that countries making it easier for men and women to share work and care are far better protected against deep fertility decline.

China, meanwhile, has tried tax hikes on contraceptives and cash bonuses after abandoning the one child policy, yet the fertility rate has continued to slide to approximately 1.0. Singapore has also struggled despite decades of maternity leave, childcare subsidies, and even viral advertising campaigns. Maxwell Hartt, a population decline researcher based in Kingston, Ontario, observes that policies focused solely on raising birthrates are rarely the most effective way to reverse population decline. He notes that educational attainment among women, freedom, and access to contraception are positive developments that no society wants to reverse.

Hartt argues that the true value of South Korean initiatives lies not in boosting birthrates alone, but in improving welfare, social cohesion, and economic development. Affordable housing, expanded benefits, and romantic public spaces serve society regardless of population trends. With the global population projected to decline before the end of this century, he suggests the question is not how to turn back the clock, but how to build the best possible society within this new reality. The experience of South Korea may ultimately teach other nations less about how to raise birthrates and more about how to adapt with dignity to a world of smaller families.

Key Points

  • The South Korean fertility rate rose from a record low of 0.72 in 2023 to approximately 0.80 in early 2026, with monthly births increasing for 17 consecutive months.
  • The government has spent over 360 trillion won on measures including cash grants, housing subsidies, matchmaking events, and extensive IVF coverage.
  • Private companies such as Krafton are offering employees up to $100,000 per child, alongside extended parental leave and company daycare.
  • Demographers attribute much of the recent uptick to temporary factors, including an echo boomer generation entering their thirties and a post pandemic marriage rebound.
  • Structural barriers persist, including the highest child raising costs globally, grueling work hours, a competitive education system, and workplace discrimination against mothers.
  • International examples from Hungary, Sweden, and China suggest that financial incentives alone rarely produce lasting fertility recoveries without addressing balance between work and family and gender equality.
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