Thailand Accuses Cambodia of War Propaganda as Border Ceasefire Faces Mounting Strain

A fragile truce faces a battle over facts

Thailand is accusing Cambodia of conducting a disinformation campaign that threatens the July 28 ceasefire, as disputes over landmines, drones and military deployments keep their border tense. Five days of heavy fighting killed at least 24 civilians, while a broader count covering military casualties put the death toll at at least 43, with more than 300,000 people displaced across July and early August.

As of September 7, 2025, the heaviest combat has stopped, but troops remain close together at sensitive locations. Both governments accuse the other of violating the truce. Cambodia rejects allegations of wrongdoing and says it remains committed to the ceasefire.

Nikorndej Balankura, director general of the Department of Information and spokesperson for Thailand's Ministry of Foreign Affairs, accused the Cambodian government and media aligned with the state of spreading misleading claims to gain sympathy at home and abroad. He said Cambodia's conduct on the ground conflicts with its public promises to respect the truce.

In a formal statement, Nikorndej described the campaign and warned that it could encourage violence and obstruct a peaceful settlement:

propaganda for war

Malaysia mediated the July 28 agreement with participation from China and the United States. Delegations subsequently met in Kuala Lumpur to reinforce it and discuss border management, while ASEAN observers and international partners monitored developments.

For families waiting to return home, the immediate concern is whether the ceasefire will hold long enough for houses, roads and fields to become safe. Disputes over what happened, who is responsible and how to verify each accusation are now closely tied to that question.

How the fighting escalated

A lethal skirmish in late May preceded months of tense patrols and a much larger outbreak of violence on July 24. Cambodian rocket artillery struck targets in Thailand, including civilian areas, and Thailand responded with air and artillery strikes against Cambodian territory.

The most intense fighting lasted five days. The ceasefire reduced the violence, but sporadic incidents and accusations continued afterward along a frontier whose undemarcated sections have been contentious for decades. An undemarcated section is one where the two countries have not settled and marked the boundary on the ground.

• Late May: A lethal border skirmish added to tensions between Thailand and Cambodia.
• July 24: Heavy fighting erupted, with Cambodian rocket attacks and Thai air and artillery strikes.
• July 28: A ceasefire mediated by Malaysia, with Chinese and American participation, halted the most intense combat.
• Early August: Border diplomacy continued as displacement and security concerns persisted.
• Mid August: Cambodia said 18 of its soldiers remained in Thai custody and sought their return.
• August: Large numbers of displaced Cambodians returned home, although tens of thousands remained away.

Thai lawmaker Wasawat Puangpornsri, who represents a border district in Ubon Ratchathani, visited the Chong Anma crossing and found troops from the two countries positioned roughly 50 meters apart. For residents considering a return, that proximity left little margin for another confrontation.

Wasawat described the atmosphere during his visit:

It can erupt at any time; the situation is not stable,

Thailand lists four alleged violations

Thailand has identified four types of conduct it says breach the ceasefire: the planting of new anti-personnel mines, drone operations that harass Thai troops, protests near the border that it considers orchestrated, and the placement of powerful improvised explosive devices inside Thai territory.

Cambodia denies planting new mines or trying to provoke confrontations. It also rejects allegations of orchestrating unrest and says Thai descriptions distort local grievances. The accusations have not been independently verified in full, and independent media and humanitarian access to the most sensitive areas remains limited.

Thai officials say Cambodian drones have gathered intelligence or unsettled Thai positions. They also accuse Cambodian authorities of encouraging civilians to demonstrate near sensitive crossing points. Cheap drones and social media can give a small incident a much wider audience, increasing public anger while soldiers remain close together.

Landmines put soldiers and returning families at risk

Thai authorities say they have found newly laid PMN-2 anti-personnel mines on Thai soil in recent weeks and that several Thai soldiers have lost limbs. Cambodian officials say no new mines have been planted and attribute recent casualties to explosives left from earlier conflicts.

Both countries are parties to the Ottawa Convention, which outlaws anti-personnel mines. These weapons are designed to injure or kill people and can remain dangerous after fighting ends. The competing explanations therefore concern both the safety of the border and whether a treaty obligation has been broken.

Thai officials have suggested that donors supporting demining in Cambodia reconsider their assistance if fresh planting is confirmed. They have also called on other countries that signed the treaty to apply pressure.

The border region already carries a legacy of contamination from previous conflicts. Humanitarian groups regard clearance as essential for safe civilian returns. New accusations complicate cooperation over that work, while mines and unexploded ordnance continue to threaten residents trying to reach homes, farms and services. Unexploded ordnance means ammunition, shells or other weapons that failed to explode and remain dangerous.

Thailand's allegations about improvised explosive devices add another concern. These are explosives assembled outside standard military manufacturing, and Thai officials say powerful devices have been found on their side of the boundary.

False images feed the information battle

Misleading material continued circulating after the guns largely fell silent on July 28. Images from distant conflicts were presented online as fresh evidence from the Thai and Cambodian border, helping emotionally charged claims spread faster than official explanations.

A BBC analysis described false claims circulated through Cambodian social media and outlets backed by the state. Footage from an unrelated event was used to support a supposed downing of a Thai jet. A claim about poison gas was paired with a photograph of a civilian firefighting aircraft.

Thailand's responses have often taken the form of dry official briefings. Thai officials say they prioritize credible, verifiable information, even when it takes longer to publish. Their challenge is reaching audiences already exposed to vivid images and alarming assertions.

Napon Jatusripitak, a political scientist interviewed by The Diplomat, argued that the border incidents themselves were insufficient to explain how quickly the 2025 crisis widened. He identified domestic politics, media dynamics and nationalist sentiment in both countries as forces that can turn local confrontations into national tests of resolve.

Napon said the recent flashpoints:

alone cannot account for the speed or scale of the escalation,

He also said the domestic political climate on both sides had made building trust much harder. The IISS similarly describes historical grievances and national identity politics that can flare as domestic conditions change. Together, those assessments place the information battle inside the political pressures sustaining the crisis.

Families face damaged homes and uncertain returns

Phian Somsri, a resident of Thailand's Ubon Ratchathani province, was feeding her ducks when explosions began hitting nearby fields. She fled to a Buddhist pagoda serving as a shelter and was grieving a close friend killed when a rocket struck her home.

Phian described the attack and her wish to return:

Bombs were falling in the rice fields,

I feel really overwhelmed, and I just want to go home.

Her husband was later allowed a brief visit to their property, but their animals had not survived. She said she prayed for peace so families could go home.

Netagit, a hospital janitor, returned to find his house destroyed by a rocket. He tried to keep the news from his children, but images spreading across phones and social media made that impossible. His family was displaced, and he was unsure how to start again.

Standing near the rubble, Netagit described his uncertainty:

I have no idea what I'm going to do next,

I'm just trying to prepare myself for whatever comes next.

Thai authorities have been assessing damage to civilian homes and debating compensation. Many evacuees are waiting for assurances of safety before returning. Restoring services and clearing dangerous areas remain practical requirements for families whose homes survived as well as those whose properties were destroyed.

Cambodia sees returns, but needs remain

Humanitarian updates recorded a sharp rise in internal displacement in Cambodia, followed by large numbers of returns during August as border talks progressed. The number of internally displaced people fell from more than 150,000 to under 40,000, a decrease of more than 110,000 people.

Tens of thousands nevertheless remained in displacement sites or stayed with relatives and friends. Aid groups identified mental health support, clean water, health services and protection from unexploded ordnance as continuing needs.

The wider figure of more than 300,000 displaced across July and early August covers the broader crisis, while the falling Cambodian total describes people still displaced at later points. Returns changed the scale of emergency shelter needs, but families still faced damaged property, interrupted services and uncertainty about security.

Cambodia has also pressed Thailand to release captured soldiers. Phnom Penh said 18 remained in custody in mid August and should be returned under humanitarian law. Their detention is another unresolved issue alongside civilian protection and access for relief workers.

Migrant departures threaten household incomes

Hundreds of thousands of Cambodian migrant workers left Thailand during the peak of the crisis. Their departure affected farming, construction and manufacturing, sectors that depend on Cambodian labor, while threatening earnings used to support families back home.

Cambodia's prime minister urged workers to return. Rumors of legal penalties for people who stayed also spread, adding to the pressure to leave. Remittances from Thailand reportedly brought Cambodian families close to $3 billion a year, making the disruption a concern far beyond the immediate border area.

Kri Phart, a poultry worker who returned to Cambodia, described how the growing departures influenced his decision:

I got nervous as more people left and did not want to be the last one,

Officials in Phnom Penh say domestic jobs with comparable pay will be available. Many returnees doubt that promise. For workers who had supported relatives through earnings abroad, a return home can bring an immediate loss of income.

Thouk Houy, who had worked at a leather factory near Bangkok, described that concern:

I am not sure how to support my parents now,

Diplomacy continues as legal approaches diverge

Malaysia convened meetings in Kuala Lumpur to strengthen the July 28 ceasefire and address border management. Officials from Thailand and Cambodia met over several days, with observers from Malaysia, China and the United States attending a ministerial session.

Cambodia's prime minister also discussed the truce with United Nations Secretary General Antonio Guterres. The UN chief welcomed the ceasefire and encouraged both countries to use established mechanisms, including the Joint Boundary Commission, rather than force.

A statement describing Guterres's position said he:

welcomes the ceasefire between Cambodian and Thai forces

The statement also urged both governments:

to avoid the use of military force in resolving unsettled border issues, especially in areas inhabited by civilians.

Bangkok and Phnom Penh disagree about where the underlying territorial dispute should be handled. Cambodia has moved to bring parts of it to the International Court of Justice, citing contested areas and earlier rulings, including the court's 1962 judgment on the Preah Vihear temple.

Thailand rejects that route and favors bilateral negotiations through the Joint Boundary Commission. The commission provides a channel for the two governments to address their boundary directly. Thailand's position is shaped partly by the politically sensitive memory of the 1962 case.

ASEAN's tradition of non-interference limits its role, although Malaysia has taken a more active approach in arranging talks. Reuters also described Thai warnings involving border closures and electricity supplies, alongside Cambodian countermeasures targeting imports and media. Such measures extend the confrontation into trade, services and public communication.

Satellite imagery and a planned fence sharpen disputes

Nikorndej has cited a Jane's Defence Weekly report that Thailand says shows satellite imagery of a Cambodian military base built months before July's fighting. Bangkok presents the construction as evidence of an intention to escalate. Cambodia has not accepted those allegations.

Analysts caution that satellite images often lack the surrounding context needed to explain military activity. Deploying units or building fortifications can serve a defensive position as well as preparations for an attack. Verification by neutral experts would help clarify the timing and purpose of the deployments.

Thailand has also moved ahead with a new fence stretching 16 kilometers in Sa Kaeo province between Baan Nong Chan and Baan Nong Ya Kaew. Officials say the project is intended to improve security and protect residents after reports of encroachment and friction between Thai villagers and Cambodian settlers.

Some of those communities date to refugee settlements from the 1970s. The fence therefore concerns local land disputes and the security of residents as well as relations between the two governments.

Rear Admiral Surasant Kongsiri, spokesperson for Thailand's Ad Hoc Centre on the border situation, said the fence aims:

to strengthen security and safeguard residents,

Surasant also said ASEAN military observers had begun site visits to inform their assessments. Fences and encirclement can reduce local crime or land disputes, but they can also harden positions and increase community tensions without clear legal processes for land rights and transparent dialogue across the border.

Observers can help build confidence when both governments regard their findings as fair. Including local communities in practical planning is also important for measures that directly affect homes, land and movement.

What a more durable calm would require

The ceasefire has reduced the immediate violence, while the political pressures described by Napon and the IISS continue. Nationalist mobilization, competition between media outlets and domestic demands for firm action can make compromise more difficult even when leaders maintain diplomatic contact.

Napon described the continuing danger:

Although a ceasefire was agreed on July 28, it is fragile,

As long as the political factors that drove the original clashes remain in play, a return to conflict cannot be ruled out.

Possible measures identified for reducing risk include coordinated demining and verification teams, a direct hotline between field commanders, reciprocal commitments to protect civilians in agreed safety zones, and monitoring by ASEAN or another neutral body. A structured Joint Boundary Commission agenda could set out an agreed sequence for maps and survey work.

Those measures would address different parts of the problem. Commanders need ways to resolve incidents quickly; residents need safe access to homes and fields; negotiators need a practical process for discussing the boundary. Independent verification would also help resolve accusations that now feed public anger.

Releasing or accounting for detainees, maintaining humanitarian access and allowing independent checks remain part of reducing tensions. No timetable was given for a lasting border settlement or the release of the soldiers still held. Both governments face pressure to appear tough while keeping talks open, and border communities remain dependent on practical assurances that they can resume school, work and ordinary travel safely.

Key Points

• Thailand accuses Cambodia of spreading war propaganda and violating the ceasefire; Cambodia denies wrongdoing and says it supports the truce.
• Fighting from July 24 to July 28 killed at least 24 civilians. A broader count put deaths at at least 43, with more than 300,000 people displaced across July and early August.
• Thailand's allegations concern new mines, drones, border protests and improvised explosive devices. Independent verification remains limited.
• Malaysia mediated the July 28 ceasefire with participation from China and the United States, and subsequent talks sought to reinforce it.
• Cambodian internal displacement fell from more than 150,000 to under 40,000 during August, while humanitarian needs continued.
• Hundreds of thousands of Cambodian workers left Thailand, disrupting jobs and family incomes supported by remittances.
• Cambodia favors taking parts of the boundary dispute to the International Court of Justice; Thailand prefers bilateral talks.
• Thailand cites satellite imagery of a Cambodian base and is proceeding with a fence stretching 16 kilometers in Sa Kaeo province.
• Mine clearance, civilian protection, detainee accounting and reliable verification remain central to a more durable calm.