A march for coexistence before the mayoral campaign
About 1,200 people marched through Kawaguchi, just north of Tokyo, on January 11, protesting discrimination in a city where foreign nationals make up approximately 8% of the population. The two-hour Gochamaze Kawaguchi No Hate March came ahead of the mayoral election campaign, which begins on January 25, amid growing concern about hostility toward foreign residents, particularly the Kurdish community.
Contents
- A march for coexistence before the mayoral campaign
- How Kurdish families built lives in southern Saitama
- The hospital incident and the spread of collective blame
- How online hostility grew across borders
- Election speeches brought immigration into the foreground
- What the crime and benefit figures show
- Small demonstrations and language classes offer practical support
- Lawyers seek protection while the city addresses complaints
- Families describe fear at home, school and in parks
- Immigration politics extend beyond Kawaguchi
- Festival solidarity and the strain of belonging
- The Bottom Line
Participants travelled from across Saitama Prefecture and beyond, walking from JR Kawaguchi Station toward Nishi-Kawaguchi Station while chanting "Stop discrimination" and "Hate speech is not cool." A truck carrying a DJ playing international music led the procession, which organisers described as a "sound rally."
Gochamaze means "mishmash" in Japanese. The name reflected Kawaguchi's mix of cultures, making the city's diversity part of the demonstration itself. Organisers said no specific groups had been mobilised for the march, describing an event built through participation from the wider community.
Mayuko Nakajima, a member of the organising team, said discriminatory rhetoric had tended to grow stronger around election campaign appearances, including during last year's House of Councillors contest. She explained why the organisers acted before the coming local campaign.
"I wanted to take action ahead of the Kawaguchi mayoral poll," said Nakajima.
A 36-year-old American resident of the Nishikawaguchi area joined on the day of the march. After 15 years in Japan, he had noticed a tangible change in the way foreigners were discussed. He hoped the demonstration would encourage people watching to consider their neighbours' place in society.
"While some people may feel friction with the growing number of foreign nationals, I hope those who saw the rally will think about what kind of society they want," he said.
How Kurdish families built lives in southern Saitama
Kurds have a distinct language and culture but no country of their own. Often described as the world's largest stateless population, they are concentrated in a mountainous region spanning Turkey, Syria, Iran and Iraq. Here, stateless refers to the Kurdish people lacking their own state.
Discrimination and oppression have shaped Kurdish migration, particularly from Turkey, where a harsh policy of assimilation denied their existence as an ethnic group. Assimilation means pressing people to give up a separate cultural identity and conform to the dominant one. Persecution intensified during the 1980s and 1990s amid fighting between the Turkish military and the Kurdistan Workers' Party, or PKK, a militant Kurdish rights group seeking independence.
Some Kurds seeking safety reached Japan in the early 1990s. Japan's reputation as a peaceful country was an attraction, while a bilateral treaty allowed Turkish nationals to visit for up to 90 days without a visa. Some entered as visitors and stayed beyond their authorised period; others arrived seeking asylum from persecution.
Tas Mehmet, considered the first Kurd to settle in Kawaguchi, arrived in 1993 after fleeing persecution in Turkey. He described building a life through difficult jobs.
From that point on, I worked tirelessly to build a new life here," Mehmet said. "I took the kinds of jobs Japanese people don't want to do, like working in sewers, in construction, and in demolition.
Kawaguchi and nearby Warabi gradually became centres of Kurdish settlement. Residents established businesses, including close to 200 Kurdish demolition firms now based in southern Saitama. The demolition industry has become heavily dependent on these workers as Japanese contractors retire without heirs to take over their businesses.
For nearly three decades, Kurdish residents lived relatively peacefully in the area. Cultural friction existed, including disagreements over noise and rubbish disposal. Since around 2023, however, Kurdish people have increasingly faced hostility both online and in daily life.
The hospital incident and the spread of collective blame
A fight between two groups of Kurdish men in July 2023 left several people with stab wounds. About 100 people, including relatives of victims and perpetrators, gathered outside Kawaguchi Municipal Medical Center, where the injured were being treated. The crowd became so menacing that the hospital stopped accepting emergency patients for nearly six hours.
Coverage of the incident prompted a surge of social media messages labelling Kurdish people collectively as criminals. Kawaguchi's city government received approximately 400 angry telephone calls. Many callers lived outside Saitama Prefecture and had encountered the story online.
Vakkas Cikan, a representative of the Japan Kurdish Cultural Association, acknowledged the harm caused by the incident while challenging accusations directed at the whole community.
It was not good to have caused the incident and to have troubled the hospital and local residents," Cikan said. "But I think it is discriminatory to describe all Kurdish people as criminals.
The city assembly had approved a written opinion in June 2023 calling for "a crackdown on crimes by certain foreigners," without naming Kurds. That decision preceded the July hospital incident. Its wording helped feed an image promoted by people hostile to foreigners of Kawaguchi as a city besieged by lawless Kurds.
Seiichi Okutomi, a municipal assembly member representing a district with many Kurdish residents, described complaints he had received and offered his explanation for them.
I have received complaints about unsafe driving and violence," Okutomi said. "This might have been influenced by the increase in those who came to Japan after the earthquake in Turkey.
The sequence of local decisions, incidents and community responses stretches across several years:
- 1993: Tas Mehmet arrived in Kawaguchi after fleeing persecution in Turkey.
- 2020: The nonprofit Heval began Sunday Japanese language classes near Warabi Station.
- July 2022: Kawaguchi introduced an ordinance governing large storage spaces used by demolition businesses.
- June 2023: The city assembly approved its opinion calling for a crackdown on crimes by certain foreigners.
- July 2023: The stabbing incident and hospital gathering were followed by widespread hostility online.
- Late 2024: Regular demonstrations against hate began outside Warabi Station.
- January 11, 2026: About 1,200 people joined the Kawaguchi march.
- January 25, 2026: Official campaigning begins for the Kawaguchi mayoral election.
How online hostility grew across borders
An analysis using social media tracking software counted about 40,000 posts and reposts about Kurds in Japan on X, formerly Twitter, in March 2023. The number rose to 240,000 in April, during debate over a bill revising immigration laws, then reached 1.08 million in July after the stabbing incident. By March 2024, it had climbed to 2.42 million.
The March 2024 total was about 60 times the March 2023 figure, comparing 2.42 million posts and reposts with 40,000. The figures describe the volume of discussion about Kurds, while the hostile messages within that discussion helped carry local tensions far beyond Kawaguchi.
Some provocative messages originated outside Japan and were written by people pretending to be Kurdish residents. A 34-year-old Turkish IT worker calling himself Tayfun admitted that he had never visited Japan but had posed as a Kurd living there. Using Google Translate, he produced at least 180 Japanese posts intended to provoke antipathy.
Tayfun also wrote in Turkish on the platform about the influence such accounts could have.
"Japanese are so naive that they believe everything. Influential accounts on X can set the agenda for Japan if they want to," Tayfun wrote.
Another Turkish worker, living in South Korea, posted messages telling "lying Kurds to get out of Japan" and claiming Kurdish residents "are tarnishing the image of Turkey." False accounts contributed to a distorted picture of Kurdish life, alongside posts branding Kurds as "murderers" trying to "take over Japan." Some messages urged others to "kill them" or "go Kurd hunting."
Koichi Yasuda, a journalist who has written a book about the internet and patriotism, described the speed with which this narrative developed.
"The Kurdish threat has been forged on social media within less than a single year. The acceleration speed was unprecedented," Yasuda said.
Election speeches brought immigration into the foreground
Migration became a prominent campaign subject as Japan's foreign population reached record levels. Ahead of the July 20 House of Councillors election, candidates in Saitama increasingly focused on foreigners during public speeches.
At JR Warabi Station, an opposition Sanseito candidate raised his voice while claiming that "An excessive increase of foreigners will worsen public safety and lead to the collapse of society." The party's Japanese First policy appeared to find support among some voters in places with larger foreign populations.
Foreigners accounted for 8.4% of Kawaguchi's population and 13.3% of Warabi's. Candidates in both areas stressed their positions on regulating foreigners. The opposition Nippon Ishin, or Japan Innovation Party, distributed leaflets headed "Foreigner issues: Reclaim a safe Saitama."
A campaign official described the difference in reception between parts of the prefecture.
"The reaction is lackluster in the northern part of the prefecture where there are fewer foreigners, but it resonates with voters here," the official said.
At the same station, a candidate from a political group seeking to abolish policies it considered favourable to foreigners shouted statements that could be considered hate speech, including "Koreans go back to Korea" and "We mustn't lose to anti-Japanese Koreans."
Prime Minister Shigeru Ishiba used more measured language during a July 5 visit to Kawaguchi, speaking about rules and participation in society.
"It's important for people to follow rules properly and play various roles in Japanese society," Ishiba said.
A local person close to the Liberal Democratic Party expressed frustration with that approach, arguing that stronger language was reaching voters more effectively than practical work on neighbourhood complaints.
"Such weak language won't resonate. There is a sense of crisis that strong words like tightening of regulations reach voters more effectively than the achievements of local assembly members who have tackled issues like waste disposal and noise problems," the person said.
What the crime and benefit figures show
Saitama's foreign population increased by 27% between 2019 and 2024, while foreigners' share of people apprehended remained nearly flat at 8.8%. The number of recognised Penal Code offences had decreased since 2019. Recognised offences are crimes recorded by police, while apprehension figures count people taken into custody or otherwise identified through police action.
Kawaguchi's foreign population rose from 14,679 in 2004 to 39,553 in 2023, more than doubling over roughly two decades. During the same period, annual recorded criminal offences fell from 16,314 to 4,437, a decline of about 73%. Of 1,313 people arrested by Kawaguchi police last year, 1,129 were Japanese citizens, leaving 184 foreign nationals.
Public benefit figures also provide a comparison with claims of preferential treatment. Foreign nationals represented 4% of national health insurance policyholders in 2023, while medical expenses paid for them accounted for 1.39% of the total. National health insurance pays part of the cost of covered medical care.
About 46,000 foreign households received livelihood protection in 2023, representing 2.8% of all recipient households. Livelihood protection provides assistance with basic living needs. The foreign population had increased by 65% over the preceding decade.
The local figures place the campaign debate alongside two changes happening at once: a growing foreign community and fewer recorded crimes in Kawaguchi. The insurance and livelihood protection figures describe the actual shares of those programmes used by foreign residents.
Small demonstrations and language classes offer practical support
The January march followed smaller, regular protests. Since late 2024, an anti-hate group has held "stand-ins" outside Warabi Station, usually drawing about 10 people, many travelling from distant cities.
A participant in his 40s from Yokohama connected the demonstrations to an earlier campaign of hostility against Filipino residents in 2009. He explained why he believed Japanese residents had a responsibility to act.
We don't do this out of pity for Kurds. It is part of a trend against hate since 2009 that first targeted the city's Filipino residents. The targets change but the people spreading hate are the same," he said. "I can't pretend I don't see it. We must stop other members of society from being subjected to discrimination. The only people who can solve this are the Japanese majority.
Tatsuhiro Nukui and his wife Madoka run Heval, a nonprofit whose name means "friend" in Kurdish. The organisation helps Kurdish residents participate in local life and supports children attending public schools.
Since 2020, Heval has organised Japanese language classes for children and adults on Sundays near Warabi Station, taught by volunteers. Nukui said communication between schools and parents was a central reason for starting them.
"We wanted Kurdish parents to get more familiar with Japanese, as we got a lot of calls from schools saying they were struggling to communicate with them," Nukui said.
Nukui had received approximately 120 pieces of hate mail since May 2023. Despite that hostility, he said friction between local residents had often been exaggerated. His work had also revealed shared concerns among people who disagreed sharply about how to address them.
I've come away with the impression that I share some of the same concerns as some prominent anti-Kurdish figures. How we differ, though, is our approach to resolving those differences," Nukui said. "Japanese education for foreigners who come to Japan is almost entirely left up to volunteers, for example. As a society we need to think about how to include other groups.
Lawyers seek protection while the city addresses complaints
A group of 83 lawyers filed a lawsuit seeking 5.5 million yen, approximately $36,000, in damages from a male Kanagawa resident who appeared in Kawaguchi almost weekly to accuse the Kurdish association of links to terrorists.
The case followed a November provisional order from the Saitama District Court barring the prominent anti-Kurdish protester from demonstrating within 600 metres of the association. A provisional order provides an immediate court restriction while a dispute is being addressed. The first hearing was scheduled for April 23; no year or subsequent outcome was given.
Yasuko Moroka, a lawyer based in Tokyo who was involved in the case, said the lawyers wanted a response extending beyond the individual defendant.
We intend to show the country this is unacceptable and not limited to the defendant, that Kurdish hate is spreading across society," Moroka said. "We hope it will encourage municipal governments to introduce a local ordinance against discrimination in general, not just regarding a single group.
Other municipalities have introduced measures against hate speech. Kawasaki, near Tokyo, introduced legislation in 2020 after persistent hostility toward its Korean population. Such local ordinances are rules adopted by municipal governments.
Kawaguchi also acted on practical neighbourhood concerns. In July 2022, it enacted an ordinance requiring demolition companies to obtain approval before using large spaces to store equipment and materials. The measure addressed noise complaints that had contributed to friction.
Mayor Nobuo Okuki supported strict action against people breaking the law while also calling for changes affecting residents on provisional leave.
"Those who break the law will be dealt with strictly," Okuki said.
Okuki urged the central government to allow others on provisional leave to work so they could maintain a minimum standard of living. Provisional leave allows a person to remain outside immigration detention while their immigration situation is unresolved.
Families describe fear at home, school and in parks
Ali, a Kurdish father who arrived in Japan more than a decade ago with his wife and children, described a worsening atmosphere around his family. He said returning to Turkey would put them in danger, while everyday relations in Japan had become colder.
"I would rather die than go back to Turkey. But life is also getting worse here. I can see that our Japanese neighbours are much cooler towards us these days. Some refuse even to greet us," Ali said.
In July, Ali's sons were playing in a park near their home when a man approached them. According to Ali's statement to police, the man struck his younger son, a primary school pupil, in the face, knocking him down while shouting: "Foreigners, go back to your country!"
Weeks later, Ali confronted the man. The man denied deliberately hurting the child but made a further threat.
"If it wasn't for the law, I'd kill you people," the man said.
Ali said his children had also been called names at school and that other children refused to play with them. He described the effect on his 11-year-old son after the park incident.
"My kids are too scared to go outside. His lip was bleeding after the attack, and he wakes up in the night convinced that the man is coming to kill him," Ali said.
Ali was waiting for a decision on his third refugee application, saying his family could no longer live safely in Turkey. Japan had granted refugee status to only one Kurdish migrant. Last year, it recognised just 190 refugees in total, most from Afghanistan.
Immigration politics extend beyond Kawaguchi
Japan's foreign population reached a record 3.8 million at the start of 2025, still less than 3% of the total population. The growth comes as the country faces population decline and a shrinking workforce.
A projection attributed to the National Institute of Population and Social Security Research put the foreign population's possible future share at 10%, with 2017 given as the target year. That date is already past as of January 14, 2026, leaving the timing of the stated projection unclear.
Migration joined the economy and living costs as a major election issue, potentially affecting who becomes Japan's next prime minister. After two bruising elections in the preceding year, the ruling Liberal Democratic Party adopted a tougher position, promising zero illegal immigration, limits on new arrivals and better social integration.
Yusuke Kawai, president of the far-right Yamato party and a Toda city councillor who styles himself as the "Joker," became a prominent figure opposing immigration. Wearing a Japanese flag, he delivered theatrical speeches from a campaign truck bearing the slogan "Nihonjin First," meaning Japanese People First.
Kawai's appearances attracted crowds of around 200, mainly women and young adults. At a rally outside Warabi Station, he presented his campaign as a response to concerns about safety.
"I am fighting so that women can once again walk alone in the city at night," Kawai said.
These movements resemble hostility toward immigrants visible in the United Kingdom, Europe and the United States. Japan's traditionally homogeneous society has also been described as particularly susceptible to political messages built around fear of immigration.
The surge in foreign tourism after the pandemic added another strand to the debate. A record 3.42 million people visited Japan in August, while critics circulated predictions of a "silent invasion." The government's international cooperation agency also scrapped a hometown partnership programme intended to build ties with African countries after a xenophobic backlash from residents.
Festival solidarity and the strain of belonging
At the Newroz festival in March 2025, Kawai interrupted the Kurdish New Year celebration, calling it a "terrorist event that should be suspended." Predominantly Japanese sections of the crowd moved to drive him out, with some people holding banners opposing discrimination.
Mehmet Colak, who helped organise the festival, said the celebration had also brought a larger Japanese audience.
"Whatever happens, people like that are going to show up. But this year we could enjoy the festival and welcomed about twice as many Japanese people. I hope we can repeat it next year," Colak said.
Some older Kurds attending Heval's language classes tried to play down the effect of hostile online discussion. A writer in his 40s had fled Turkey after producing work in Kurdish that violated Turkish assimilation measures. Speaking through a translation app, he described drawing strength from what he had already survived.
"People with hearts filled with hate are cowards. I have known truly terrible fear, and forgotten what it means to be afraid. They do not scare me," he said.
Tas Mehmet described a different response after three decades of peaceful life in Japan. The journey home to Kawaguchi, once reassuring, had become a source of anxiety.
"These days it's depressing to go back to Kawaguchi after work. I used to feel a sense of relief when Kawaguchi's tree-lined streets came into view, knowing my family and friends were waiting for me. Now I'm just really anxious. When I go home, I feel self-conscious about being a Kurd. Are Kurds that scary? What scares me is discrimination," Mehmet said.
The January 11 march brought that concern into public view before the mayoral campaign. Its music, mixed crowd and calls for coexistence placed another message alongside demands for tighter immigration rules: foreign residents are neighbours, workers, parents and children whose daily lives are affected by the language used about them.
The Bottom Line
- About 1,200 people joined the January 11 march against discrimination in Kawaguchi. The mayoral election campaign begins January 25.
- Kurdish settlement dates to the early 1990s, and close to 200 Kurdish demolition firms operate in southern Saitama.
- A July 2023 stabbing incident and hospital gathering were followed by widespread hostility, including approximately 400 angry calls to city officials.
- Posts and reposts about Kurds in Japan rose from about 40,000 in March 2023 to 2.42 million in March 2024. Some provocative accounts were operated abroad by people posing as Kurdish residents.
- Kawaguchi's foreign population grew from 14,679 in 2004 to 39,553 in 2023, while annual recorded offences fell from 16,314 to 4,437.
- Community responses include regular station demonstrations, volunteer Japanese classes, legal action and support for Kurdish cultural celebrations.
- Kurdish families describe bullying, threats and fear, while immigration and public safety remain prominent political subjects.
- Japan had a record 3.8 million foreign residents at the start of 2025, representing less than 3% of its population.






